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And for practical purposes it didn't. Lots of stories made a bigger ripple in the week's zeitgeist -- some of them understandably new pope chosensome less so on "American Idol," Anwar's journey ends. This attention deficit is partly explained by what took place in Lower Manhattan six years after the bombing. Osama bin Laden's atrocity dwarfed Timothy McVeigh's along several dimensions -- more Americans killed by more killers with a larger political base.
Though the McVeigh bombing seems not so long ago, it also seems like part of a simpler era, before we knew real danger. But letting the memory of Mr. McVeigh fade has its own dangers. In a crucially instructive sense he and Mr. Though their ideologies differ I'm guessing they wouldn't have hit it offboth were empowered by a force that will empower tomorrow's terrorists even more.
Unfortunately, it's a force that the Bush administration has a deep aversion to confronting. And there's no better illustration of this aversion than one of the many people who got more press last week than Timothy McVeigh: John R.
Bolton, Mr. Bush's choice for ambassador to the United Nations. Productively, even. Lots of people now Present & Future how stubbornly the threat from weapons of mass destruction grows.
Progress in biotechnology, for example, will put more bioweapon tools and ingredients within reach of more people at pharmaceutical companies, universities, and so on. There's also more appreciation of how advances in information technology help terrorist groups hatch plans and orchestrate them, and even help these groups form and grow in the first place.
But if we really appreciated how stubborn these trends are and how ecumenically they abet terrorists, we'd keep Mr. McVeigh's image not just alive but right next to Mr. And we'd see the tolls the two men took -- more than innearly 3, in -- as the first two entries in an ominous sequence. Timothy McVeigh may seem primitive a bomb made of fertilizer? Even in the spring ofmicroelectronics was helping extremist groups coalesce and harden. It was incendiary and dishonest, like an Al Qaeda recruiting video, just not distributed online.
After Mr. McVeigh accomplished his mission, the far right used shortwave radio to tell the faithful that the American government had done the deed in order to discredit their cause.
Sound familiar? Similarly, Mr. Of course, Osama-era technologies are more menacing than McVeigh-era technologies.
That's the point. What today's Internet is to shortwave radio and mailed videotapes, tomorrow's Internet will be to today's. As streaming video penetrates the most remote parts of the world, every Web-cam-equipped terro-vangelist will have global reach. And information technologies, like the advancing weapons technologies whose use they make more likely, are equal-opportunity empowerers: radical Islam, radical environmentalism, neo-Nazism, whatever. Yet America's war on terror defines the threat Passing - Beautytone - Passing narrowly: out there in the "Muslim world" or the "Arab world," things need to change.
And Goodbye - Lostly - No Direction Home course they Start Again - Citizens Arrest - Colossus: The Discography. But that won't be enough.
Suppose this approach succeeds wildly -- that in 15 years, "Muslim rage" has evaporated. If we haven't addressed the Henry Mancini - The Pink Panther (Music From The Film Score) growing part of the terrorist threat -- the technology and Dark Sides - Various - 10 Years Of Terror - The Best Of The Past consequences -- we still won't be secure. Not everything about America's antiterrorism policy is Muslim-centric.
The administration's homeland security policy pays attention to nuclear power plants and Present & Future labs. But leaving aside whether it does so adequately short answer: noyou can't secure the homeland by focusing only on the homeland.
As President Bush has stressed, Present & Future have to worry about weapons of mass destruction abroad, given how hard it is to detect every vial of germs, or even every suitcase nuke, that enters America. Yet his most salient approach to the problem -- invade a country if we suspect it has such weapons -- is too costly in various senses Struttin With Some Barbecue Medley - Unknown Artist - Hooked On Dixie 2 apply universally.
It will have to be arms control of a creatively astringent, even visionary, sort. And achieving it will be a long haul -- incremental, halting progress, over many years, through a series of flawed but improving agreements that are at first less than global in scope. But for now the details don't matter, because the Bush administration opposes the basic idea.
Because John Bolton is not just the undersecretary for arms control, but the guiding spirit, so far, of the administration's arms control philosophy. To get other nations to endure intrusive monitoring, America would have to submit to such monitoring. People of Mr. Bolton's ideological persuasion insist that this amounts to a sacrifice of American sovereignty.
Dark Sides - Various - 10 Years Of Terror - The Best Of The Past they're right; it's just a less objectionable sacrifice of sovereignty than letting terrorists blow up your cities. The protocol would have put teeth in the treaty, making member nations, which forswear the possession of bioweapons, open their soil to inspectors. Or -- since the protocol was no doubt imperfect -- might the administration at least suggest an alternative international inspections regime? Bolton told a gathering of member states that the answers were no and no.
Who needs inspections? Bolton told the assemblage that the existence of Iraq's bioweapons program was "beyond dispute.
Bolton's signature arms-control achievement is the "proliferation security initiative," which encourages the interdiction of ships suspected of carrying illicit munitions. Bolton says there have been interdictions under the pact.
What he doesn't say is that they could have happened without the pact, because it grants no new powers of interdiction. Any such powers would have to apply not just to foreign merchant ships but to ships sailing under an American flag -- which, of course, would be an unacceptable erosion of American sovereignty.
If the world 20 years from now is to be safe from the technology of 20 years from now, we'll have to address not just the supply of illicit weapons Éirigh Is Cuir Ort Do Chuid Éadaigh - Clannad - Dúlamán the demand for them.
The upshot of the technological trends that empowered Timothy McVeigh and Osama bin Laden is that over time hatred will morph into lethality with growing efficiency.
Dampening hatred is a disconcertingly vague challenge, but there are things we can do at home and abroad. At home, this is an argument for civil discourse, since you never know when there's an excitable boy, a potential Timothy McVeigh, tuned in. Abroad, it's an argument for exercising power with grace. Sometimes you have to antagonize the world to do the right thing, but more than ever we should avoid antagonizing the world gratuitously.
Why is the prospect of John Bolton representing America at the United Nations again springing to mind?
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